The Israel Project’s Secret Hasbara Handbook Exposed


The Israel Project’s Secret Hasbara Handbook Exposed

http://informationclearinghouse.info/article23044.htm

By: Richard Silverstein

July 13, 2009 "FDL" — 
I
magine
for a moment you’re a general about to embark on a decisive military
campaign and your intelligence service secures a copy of your
opponent’s entire campaign strategy. You open it and you see his battle
plans laid out before you, key forces, weaponry, lines of attack,
points of weaknesses, etc. You suddenly understand just how weak his
forces are and precisely how to mercilessly attack and eviscerate him.
The plan makes you understand that his forces are largely based on
artifice and sham. It gives you confidence that you are entirely on the
right course and tells you how to stay on that course. Victory is
assured, your enemy’s defeat certain.

Douglas Bloomfield and Newsweek have done pretty close to that against the Israel lobby. Specifically, they’ve exposed a secret hasbara handbook written for The Israel Project by star Republican marketer, Frank Luntz.

The oddly-named Global Language Dictionary
(pdf) is a veritable goldmine of arguments, strategy, tactics. At 116
pages, it’s not for the faint of heart. But anyone who wants to get
inside the head of the Israel lobby must read this document. I know my
enthusiasm will mark me as a real I-P wonk, but this is the real deal
and worth spending some time parsing and deconstructing.

The
first thing to say is that the entire document is a pathetic piece of
propaganda. While it ostensibly is addressed to TIP’s leaders and
advises them how to shape a pro-Israel message when they lobby
Congress, the media and other critical power brokers, the entire thing
reeks of desperation and a lost cause.

It
goes without saying that the arguments offered are not only devoid of
truth, they’re devoid of rigor or credibility. There is literally no
substance to the claims offered on Israel’s behalf. It’s an empty
exercise in every sense of the word. Reading this makes you realize
that the entire Israel lobby edifice is a house of cards.

Perhaps
I’m letting my shock at the shabbiness of the Dictionary get the better
of me and overstating the case it reveals against the Lobby. After all,
any political network that exists for six decades and achieves as much
as this one has doesn’t topple overnight. But I’ll just have to let you
be the judge.

One aspect of this I find extraordinary and entirely dubious is the choice of the Republican campaign pollster Frank Luntz
to write this report. This indicates, as I’ve always maintained, that
the Lobby is totally tone deaf to the political environment. We have a
democratic president and two Houses of Congress under Democratic
control for the first time in a few decades. Pragmatic liberalism is
ascendant. Neo-conservatism and Bushian Republicanism are in retreat.
And who does TIP chose to make the case for Israel? A right-wing
Republican spinmeister. Remarkable. But one thing I must say is that
this is a good sign for our side. If our opponents are as wooden as
they appear, then they will topple themselves without needing much help
from us. The first chapter, 25 Rules for Effective Communication opens with:

The
first step to winning trust and friends for Israel is showing that you
care about peace for BOTH Israelis and Palestinians and, in particular,
a better future for every child. Indeed, the sequence of your
conversation is critical and you must start with empathy for BOTH sides
first. Open your conversation with strong proven messages such as:

“Israel
is committed to a better future for everyone – Israelis and
Palestinians alike. Israel wants the pain and suffering to end, and is
committed to working with the Palestinians toward a peaceful,
diplomatic solution where both sides can have a better future. Let this
be a time of hope and opportunity for both the Israeli and the
Palestinian people.”

The
first thing we learn is that this passage, as with everything else
printed in the handbook, is empty meaningless drivel. It’s a perfect
example of political three-card monty in which there appears to be a
card which isn’t there at all. It’s all a sham. There is no substance.
The rhetoric here is even worse than that offered by spokespeople like
Mark Regev on behalf of the Israeli government.

In
the following passage, we can see that Luntz has lifted shamelessly
lifted arguments from MEMRI and former Mossad officer, Itamar Marcus’
Palestine Media Watch. Others before me have demolished these tawdry
arguments, but it’s instructive to read the lies and distortions that
TIP instructs its representatives to parrot. Throughout, the document
drips noblesse oblige and fake concern for Palestinian children:

“As
a matter of principle, we believe that it is a basic right of children
to be raised without hate. We ask the Palestinian leadership to end the
culture of hate in Palestinian schools, 300 of which are named for
suicide bombers. Palestinian leaders should take textbooks out of
classrooms that show maps of the Middle East without Israel and that
glorify terrorism.”

As a matter
of principle, children should not be raised to want to kill others or
themselves. Yet, day after day, Palestinian leadership pushes a culture
of hate that encourages even small children to become suicide bombers.

Iran-backed
Hamas’s public television in Gaza uses Sesame Street–type programming
to glorify suicide bombers. As a matter of principle, no child should
be abused in such a way. Palestinian children deserve better.”

As
a matter of principle I believe that no child (Israeli or Palestinian)
should be raised in fear that their mother, father, sister, brother,
grandmother or grandfather could be killed for no other reason than
they happen to be in the wrong place at the wrong time and a
frightened, trigger hungry 18 year army recruit decides to make an
example of them.

As
for maps, before Frank Luntz or Itamar Marcus make their specious
claims about Palestinian textbooks, I’d like them to show me a single
Israeli textbook that features a map of Palestine. You will certainly
find Judea and Samaria. But will you find any acknowledgment of the
millions of Palestinians who live in the Territories?

Further,
the arguments are entirely dated. Suicide bombings were a serious
phenomenon in years past. But Palestinian militants have largely
abandoned this tactic, at least in part due to its unpopularity among
average Palestinians. You certainly wouldn’t know this from Frank
Luntz’s agitprop. It’s like he’s living in a time warp and its still
the first Intifada (circa 2000).

Clearly
differentiate between the Palestinian people and Hamas. There is an
immediate and clear distinction between the empathy Americans feel for
the Palestinians and the scorn they direct at Palestinian leadership.
Hamas is a terrorist organization – Americans get that already. But if
it sounds like you are attacking the Palestinian people (even though they elected Hamas) rather than their leadership, you will lose public support.

Another
characteristic of the Dictionary is the dubious distinctions it draws,
as in this example. There is no way to distinguish between the
Palestinian people and their leadership. In effect, the passage
concedes the illogic of its argument with this phrase: "even though
they elected Hamas." Of course they elected Hamas. That’s precisely the
point. They had an election and chose who they wanted to represent
them. So for the lobby to say they sympathize with Palestinians, but
not with the leaders they chose is an empty statement.

Yet another example of noblesse oblige (and it’s entirely dubious to claim that these words "work"):


WORDS THAT WORK

We
know that the Palestinians deserve leaders who will care about the well
being of their people, and who do not simply take hundreds of millions
of dollars in assistance from America and Europe, put them in Swiss
bank accounts, and use them to support terror instead of peace. The
Palestinians need books, not bombs. They want roads, not rockets.”

Clearly
passages like this are designed to score debate points but are entirely
devoid of accuracy. The claims of embezzlement, of course, go back to
the days when Yasir Arafat ran things and tolerated rampant Fatah
corruption. But Arafat has been dead for lo these many years. Someone
ought to roll over and tell Tchaichovsky and Frank Luntz the news.

As
for Palestinians wanting roads, they do. They’d like some of those
wonderful Israeli bypass roads that run directly through former
Palestinian farmland and whisk settlers from their settlement homes to
their jobs inside Israel proper. The same apartheid roads which are
off-limits to Palestinians.

One thing you’ve got to give Luntz, he’s not above stealing ideas from anyone, even Israeli peace activists (see italics):


MORE WORDS THAT WORK

“The obstacles on the road to a peaceful and prosperous Middle East are many. Israel recognizes that peace is made with one’s adversaries, not with one’s friends. But
peace can only be made with adversaries who want to make peace with
you. Terrorist organizations like Iran-backed Hezbollah, Hamas, and
Islamic Jihad are, by definition, opposed to peaceful co-existence, and
determined to prevent reconciliation. I ask you, how do you negotiate
with those who want you dead?”

There
is an amazing insularity in the arguments presented here, with
absolutely no conception that Palestinians feel precisely the same
emotions as Israelis. In other words, they too ask how and why they
should negotiate with a state of Israel that would just as soon kill
them as live with them in peace.

More obliviousness, with no awareness of the dark irony of this statement:

“We
may disagree about politics…But there is one fundamental principle
that all peoples from all parts of the globe will agree on: civilized
people do not target innocent women and children for death.”

Do
I hear any concern here for the "innocent women and children" of Gaza
who were slaughtered in their hundreds during the Gaza war? No, of
course not.

Of course, there is unintentionally comic discourse:


Don’t pretend that Israel is without mistakes or fault.
It’s not true and no one believes it. Pretending Israel is free from
errors does not pass the smell test. It will only make your listeners
question the veracity of everything else you say.

Admit
Israel make mistakes. Don’t specify them. Change the subject as quickly
as possible and hope no one notices what you’ve just conceded. And then
point out how much more guilty the Palestinians are than the Israelis
for the conflict.

Use humility.
“I know that in trying to defend its children and citizens from
terrorists that Israel has accidentally hurt innocent people. I know
it, and I’m sorry for it. But what can Israel do to defend itself? If
America had given up land for peace – and that land had been used for
launching rockets at America, what would America do?

Use
fake humility. Pretend that Israel is the U.S. and that there has been
no Occupation and no injustice perpetrated against Palestinians.
Pretend their lands have not been stolen. Pretend they have not been
turned into refugees in the hundreds of thousands. Pretend that Israel
has a right to expect Palestinians to behave like Canadians or
Mexicans, who have not had a border dispute with the U.S. in 150 years.

Here
is more fakery in the guise of concern. And note the conflation of
American Jews with Israelis as if we are them (a little identity
confusion?):


WORDS THAT WORK

“Are Israelis perfect? No. Do we make mistakes? Yes. But we want a better future, and we are working towards it.

And
we want Palestinians to have a better future as well. They deserve a
government that will eliminate the terror not only because it will make
my children safer—but also because it will make their children more
prosperous. When the terror ends, Israel will no longer need to have
challenging checkpoints to inspect goods and people. When the terror
ends we will no longer need a security fence.”

There is virtually no terror on the West Bank, yet 500 checkpoints remain there. Why? Tell me why, Mr. Luntz.

If there is a money quote in this document that reveals that the lobby is now running scared it is this:

We’re at a time in history when Jews in general (and Israelis in particular) are no longer perceived as the persecuted people. In fact, among American and European audiences—sophisticated, educated, opinionated, non-Jewish audiences—Israelis are often seen as the occupiers and the aggressors.
With that kind of baggage, it is critical that messages from the
pro-Israel spokespeople not come across as supercilious or
condescending.

More unintended irony:


WORDS THAT DON’T WORK

“We are prepared to allow them to build……”

If the Palestinians are to be seen as a trusted partner on the path to peace, they must not be subordinated, in perception or in practice, by the Israelis.

What is the Occupation if not "subordination" personified??

Here’s right back at ya, buddy:


WORDS THAT DO WORK

“Achieving
peaceful relationships requires the leadership…of both sides. And so
we ask the Palestinians … Stop using the language of incitement. Stop
using the language of violence. Stop using the language of threats. You
won’t achieve peace if your military leadership talks about war. You
won’t achieve peace if people talk about pushing others to the sea or
to the desert.”

Israel’s
military and political leaders speak the language of violence,
incitement and war virtually every day. No acknowledgment of that, of
course, by Luntz. As for "pushing Jews into the sea," I haven’t read a
real live Palestinian resident of the Occupied Territories make such a
statement in several decades. So this argument is circa 1970 or so.
Nice try though, Frank.

“Israelis know what it is like to live their lives with the daily threat of terrorism.

As do Palestinians.


Remind people – again and again – that Israel wants peace. Reason One: If Americans see no hope for peace—if they only see a continuation of a 2,000-year-long episode of “Family Feud”—Americans will not want their government to spend tax dollars or their President’s clout on helping Israel.

Bingo.
Here Luntz inadvertently speaks the truth. Israel wants peace in the
same vague way that a 13 year-old girl may want to be whoever the teen
idol of the moment happens to be. Israel has no plan. No means of
getting to peace. So to say that Israel wants peace is, once again,
meaningless. And the fear lurking in the hearts of the lobby is that
some day Israel will be exposed and Americans will abandon it because
they will come to understand that whatever Israel may claim it wants,
there will never be peace under terms acceptable to Israel. That will
be a day of reckoning that the lobby wants to avoid at all costs.

The Hasbara Booklet: Just lie.


The Hasbara Booklet: Just lie.

http://palestinethinktank.com/2009/07/15/the-hasbara-booklet-just-lie/

By Guest Post • Jul 15th, 2009 at 7:17 • Category: Analysis, Counter-terrorism, No thanks!, Education, Hasbara Deconstruction Site, Israel, Newswire, Palestine, Religion, Zionism

WRITTEN BY IBRAHIM IBN YUSUF
(photo from The Israel Project Photo Contest)
The Israel Project’s 2009 Global Language Dictionary
is a Hasbara booklet written by a Dr. Frank Luntz that adds on to a
rich but unsuccessful literature existing in the field. Why
unsuccessful? Let’s quote from the author’s introduction:

I wrote my first Language
Dictionary for The Israel Project in 2003. Since that time, Israel has
had three Prime Ministers, several stalled peace initiatives, found
itself the victim of attack from its northern and southern borders, and
has suffered greatly in the court of public opinion.

Memo to him: the problem is not with his previous booklets, it’s with Israel.

Anyway, here’s the full text (CLICK ON FULL SCREEN TO ENLARGE, THEN ON CLOSE TO RETURN TO THIS BLOG):

The Israel Project’s 2009 Global Language Dictionary

I see favorably the publication of these hasbara materials inasmuch
as they prove that Zionists don’t actually believe that the world’s
negative view of Israel has anything to do with irrational antisemitism
(otherwise they wouldn’t waste their time trying to convince anyone).
Other than that, I expect them to be professionally made and factually
accurate. So that I did two searches on subjects the "hasbarization" of
which I was curious about.

First, I typed in LOYALTY OATH on the search box. I was surprised to
find no result. Mr. Liberman’s initiative that Israeli Arabs should
take a loyalty oath or be stripped of their citizenship is something an
Israel advocate would be asked about, but this booklet offers no
recipee to fend the questioner off.

Next, I typed in SETTLEMENTS. I did get a full chapter devoted to
them. After listing a few somewhat dated arguments, on p. 63 we get the
formula that summarizes it all:

WORDS THAT WORK
Israel does not talk about dismantling Arab settlements within Israel.
In a democratic society, Jews and Arabs should be able to live
side-by-side in peace. Nobody ever says Israeli territory has to be
free from Arabs. One should ask the Palestinian leadership why they
always demand land that is free from Jews.

Note the terminology shift currently under way. Just like a few
years ago the Jewish immigrants to Israel were suddenly turned into
refugees, and voilà, the
Palestinian refugees were wiped out from the debate, because they
cancelled out with the Jewish refugees, the Arab towns of Israel are
now being termed settlements, and voilà,
there’s no injustice at all: Jewish settlements in the West Bank cancel
out with Arab settlements in Israel. I denounce the Israeli checkpoints
between Jericho and Ramallah, but why do I say nothing about the
checkpoints set up by Arab falafel vendors on the roads of Tel Aviv?

That aside, the Words That Work include something that is not
terminological at all, but which is simply a bare-faced lie, namely
that the Palestinian leadership "always demand land that is free from
Jews."

Up to a very recent time, no one talked about Jews remaining in the
West Bank under a two-state solution. Everyone understood that Israeli
Jews are deeply and unabashedly racist,
and, in order to avoid living under Arab rule, they would be prepared
to accept the unthinkable: higher taxes in Israel proper. Only very
recently has the Hasbara community begun to claim the human right not
to be uprooted from where you went to grab someone else’s land in the
first place. So that the Palestinian leadership had had nothing to say
on the issue, because it was not a subject of debate.

Until now. But on Saturday, 4 July 2009, at the Aspen Institute’s
Aspen Ideas Festival, in, of all places, Aspen, Colorado, Palestinian
primer minister Saleem Fayyad was for the first time ever asked about
his views on the subject. His answer:

“In fact the kind of state that we want to have, that we
aspire to have, is one that would definitely espouse high values of
tolerance, co-existence, mutual respect and deference to all cultures,
religions. No discrimination whatsoever, on any basis whatsoever.

“Jews to the extent they choose to stay and live in the state of
Palestine will enjoy those rights and certainly will not enjoy any less
rights than Israeli Arabs enjoy now in the state of Israel.”

The Zionists went immediately ballistic. They took to the cyberspace
to say, zillions of times "if you believe this I have a bridge in
Brooklyn to sell to you." Others were more straightforward:

don’t listen to them! DO NOT BELIEVE THEM!! the arabs
are very capable of lying and then making life miserable for the
Israelis. and than it might be too late..and they can make horrible
laws too. they have ruled Jews before.

Why were they so furious? Because finally Fayyad had learned the
Israeli technique of making offers that the other side can’t take, so
as to appear as very generous when the offer is actually meaningless.

But the Israel Project’s 2009 Global Language Dictionary chose to ignore this Palestinian display of smartness, and instead instructed the Hasbara gang to lie about it.

Not that the Hasbara gang didn’t know that lying is the approach to take when apologizing for Israel, mind you.

Thinking Outside of the Secular Box


The Left and Islam

Thinking Outside of the Secular Box

By GILAD ATZMON

http://counterpunch.org/atzmon07102009.html


“Religion
is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world,
and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people.”

Karl Marx 1843

Before
I launch into a disclosure of liberal and leftist delusional treatment
of religions, Islam and Palestine in particular, I would like to share
with you a bad racist joke. Beware; you may not want to share this
short tale with your feminist friends.

An
American female activist who visited Afghanistan in the late 1990s was
devastated to find out that women were marching 15 ft behind their men.
She soon learned from her local translator that this was due to some
religious guidelines that ruled [this is the way we show] respect for
the ‘head of the family’. Once back in America the devastated
activist launched campaigns after campaigns for women’s rights in
Afghanistan. As it happened, the same devoted activist visited Kabul
last month. This time she was amazed to find a totally different
reality. Women were actually marching 30 ft ahead of their husbands.
The activist was quick to report to her headquarters in America: “The
Women rights revolution is a great success here in Afghanistan. While
in the past it was the man who marched in the front, now it is the
women who takes the lead.” Her Afghani translator, who overheard her
report, took the activist aside and advised her that her interpretation
was totally wrong. “The women” he said,  “are walking in front because
of the landmines.…”

As
tragic as it may sound to some, we are not as free as we believe
ourselves to be.  We are not exactly the author of most of our thoughts
and realizations. Our human conditions are imposed on us; we are a
product of our culture, language ideological indoctrination and in many
cases, victims of our intellectual laziness. Like the semi-fictional
American female activist above, in most cases we are trapped within our
preconceived ideas and that stops us from seeing things for what they
really are. Accordingly, we tend to interpret and in most cases
misinterpret remote cultures employing our own value system and moral
code.

This
tendency has some grave consequences. For some reason ‘we’ (the
Westerners) tend to believe that ‘our’ technological superiority
together with our beloved ‘enlightenment’ equips us with a ‘rational
secularist anthropocentric, absolutist ethical system’ of the very
highest moral stand.

The Lib-Left

In
the West we can detect two ideological components that compete for our
hearts and minds; Both claim to know what is ‘wrong’ and who is
‘right’. The Liberal would insist on praising individual liberty and
civil equality; the Leftist would tend to believe to possess a ‘social
scientific’ tool helping to identify who is ‘progressive’ and who is 
‘reactionary’.

As
things stand, it is these two modernist secularist precepts that act as
our Western political ethical guard. But in fact, they have achieved
the opposite.  Each ideology in its own peculiar way has led us to a
state of moral blindness. It is these two so-called ‘humanist’ calls,
that either consciously prepare the ground for criminal
interventionalist colonial wars (the Liberal), or failed to oppose them
while employing wrong ideologies and faulty arguments (the Left).

Both
Liberal and Left, in their apparent banal Western forms suggest that
secularism is the answer for the world’s ailments. Without a doubt,
Western secularism may be a remedy for some Western social malaise.
However, Western Liberal and Left ideologies, in most cases, fail to
understand that secularism is in itself a natural outcome of Christian
culture, i.e., a direct product of Christian tradition and openness
towards an independent civic existence. In the West, the spiritual and
the civil sphere are largely separated .
It is this very division that enabled the rise of secularity and the
discourse of rationality. It is this very division that also led to the
birth of a secular ethical value system in the spirit of enlightenment
and modernism. 

But
this very division led also to the rise of some blunt forms of
fundamental-secularism that matured into crude anti religious
worldviews that are no different from bigotry. It is actually that
very misleading fundamental secularism that brought the West to a total
dismissal of a billion human beings out there just because they wear
the wrong scarf or happen to believe in something we fail to grasp.  

Progressive vs Regressive

Islam
and Judaism, unlike Christianity, are tribally orientated belief
systems. Rather than ‘enlightened individualism’ it is actually the
survival of the extended family that is at the core interest of those
two belief systems. The Taliban that is regarded by most Westerners as
the ultimate possible darkest political setting, is simply not
concerned at all with issues to do with personal liberties or personal
rights. It is the safety of the tribe together with the maintenance of
family values in the light of the Qur’an  that stands at its core.
Rabbinical Judaism is not different at all. It is basically there to
preserve the Jewish tribe by maintaining Judaism as a ‘way of life’.   

In
both Islam and Judaism there is hardly a separation between the
spiritual and the civil. Both religions stand as systems that provide
thorough answers in terms of spiritual, civil, cultural and day to day
matters. Jewish enlightenment (Haskalah) was largely a process of
Jewish assimilation through secularization and emancipation, and
spawning various modern forms of Jewish identities, Zionism included.
Yet Enlightenment values of universalism have never been incorporated
into the body of Jewish orthodoxy. Like in the case of Rabbinical
Judaism, that is totally foreign to the spirit of Enlightenment, Islam
is largely estranged to those values of Euro centric Modernism and
rationality. If anything, due to the interpretation of the Scriptures
(hermeneutic), both Islam and Judaism are actually closer to the spirit
of post modernity.  

Neither
the Left ideology nor Liberalism engage intellectually or politically
with these two religions. This fact is disastrous, for the biggest
current threat to world peace is posed by the Israeli-Arab conflict; a
conflict rapidly becoming a war between a Jewish expansionist state and
Islamic resistance. And yet, both the Liberal and the Left ideologies
are lacking the necessary theoretical means to understand the
complexities of Islam and Judaism.

The
Liberal would dismiss Islam as sinister for its take on human rights
and women in particular. The Left would fall into the trap of
denouncing religion in general as ‘reactionary’. Maybe without
realizing it, both Lib and Left are falling here into a clear
supremacist argument. Since both Islam and Judaism are more than just
religions, they convey a ‘way of life’ and stand as a totally thorough
answer to questions regarding being in the world, the Western Lib-Left
are at  danger of a complete dismissal of a large chunk of humanity.

I
have recently accused a genuine Leftist and good activist of being an
Islamophobe for blaming Hamas for being ‘reactionary’. The activist,
who is evidently a true supporter of Palestinian resistance was quick
to defend himself claiming that it wasn’t only ‘Islamism’  that he
didn’t like, he actually equally hated Christianity and Judaism. For
some reason he was sure that hating every religion equally was a proper
humanist qualification. Accordingly, the fact that an Islamophobe is
also a Judeophobe and Christiano-phobe is not necessarily a sign of a
humanist commitment. I kept challenging that good man; he then argued
that it was actually Islamism (i.e., political Islam) which he didn’t
approve of. I challenged him again and brought to his attention the
fact that in Islam there is no real separation between the spiritual
and the political. The notion of political Islam (Islamism) may as well
be a Western delusional reading of Islam. I pointed out that Political
Islam, and even the rare implementation of ‘armed jihad’, are merely
Islam in practice. Sadly enough, this was more or less the end of the
discussion. The Palestinian solidarity campaigner found it too
difficult to cope with the Islamic unity of body and soul. The Left in
general is doomed to fail here unless it elaborates by means of
listening to the organic Islamic bond between the ‘material’ and the so
called ‘opium of the masses’. For the Leftist to do so, it is no less
than a major intellectual shift.

Such a shift was suggested recently by Hisham Bustani, an independent Jordanian Marxist, stating:

“The
European left must make a serious critical assessment of this ‘we know
better’ attitude and the ways it tends to deal with popular forces in
the south as ideologically and politically inferior.”

Palestine

Solidarity
with Palestine is a very good opportunity to review the gravity of the
situation. As it happens, in spite of the murderous Israeli treatment
of the Palestinians, solidarity with Palestinians has yet to become a
mass movement. It may  well never make it as such a movement. Given the
West’s failure to uphold the rights of the oppressed, Palestinians seem
to have learned their lesson, they democratically elected an Islamic
party that promised them resistance.  Interestingly enough, very few
leftists were there to support the Palestinian people and their
democratic choice.

Within
the current template of conditional political solidarity, we are losing
campaigners on each turn of this bumpy road.  The reasons are as
follows.

1.
The Palestinian liberation movement is basically a national liberation
movement. This acknowledgment is where we lose all the
Left cosmopolitans, those who oppose nationalism.

2.
Due to the political rise of Hamas, Palestinian resistance is now
regarded as Islamic resistance.  This is where we are losing the
secularists and rabid atheists who oppose religion, catapulting them to
being PEP (progressive except on Palestine). 

In fact the PEP are divided largely into two groups.

PEP1.
 Those who oppose Hamas for being ‘reactionary’, yet approve Hamas for
their operational success as a Resistance movement. Those activists are
basically waiting for the Palestinians to change their mind and revert
to a secular society. But they are willing to conditionally support the
Palestinians as an oppressed people.

PEP2. 
Those who are against Hamas for being a ‘reactionary’ force; and
dismiss its operational success. These are waiting for the world
revolution. They prefer to let the Palestinians wait for the time
being, as if Gaza were a seashore holiday resort 

With
these rapidly evaporating solidarity forces we are left with a
miniature Palestinian solidarity movement with an embarrassingly
limited (Western) intellectual power and even less positive performance
on the grass roots level. This tragic situation was disclosed recently
by Nadine Rosa-Rosso,
a Brussels-based independent Marxist. She states: "The vast majority of
the Left, including communists, agrees in supporting the people of Gaza
against Israeli aggression, but refuses to support its political
expressions such as Hamas in Palestine and Hezbollah in Lebanon.” This
leads Rossa-Rosso to wonder “why do the Left and far Left mobilize such
small numbers? And indeed, to be clear, are the Left and far Left still
able to mobilize on these issues?”

Where next?

“If
the left’s support for human rights in Palestine is conditional and
dependent on the Palestinians denouncing their religion and ideological
beliefs, cultural heritage, and social traditions and adopting a new
set of beliefs, alien values and social behaviours that matches what
its culture deems acceptable; that means the world is denying them a
most basic human right, the right to think, and to live within a chosen
ethical code.” Nahida Izzat

The
current left discourse of solidarity is futile. It estranges itself
from its subject, it achieves very little and it seems to go
nowhere. If we want to help the Palestinians, the Iraqis and the other
millions of victims of Western imperialism we really must stop for a
second, take a big breath and start again from scratch.

We must learn to listen. Rather than imposing our belief on others we better learn to listen to what others believe in.

Can
we follow Bustani’s and Rossa-Rosso’s suggestions and revise our entire
notion of Islam, its spiritual roots, its structure, its unified
balance between the civil and the spirit, its vision of itself as a
‘way of living’? Whether we can do so  or not is a good question.

Another
option is to reassess our blindness and to encounter humanist issues
from a humanist perspective (as opposed to political). Rather than
loving ourselves through the suffering of others, which is the ultimate
form of self-loving, we better for the first time, exercise the notion
of real empathy. We put ourselves in the place of the other accepting
that we may never fully understand that very other.

Rather
than loving ourselves through the Palestinians and at their expense, we
need to accept Palestinians for what they are and support them for who
they are regardless of our own views on things. This is the only real
form of solidarity. It aims at ethical rather than ideological
conformity. It puts humanity at its very centre. It reflects on Marx’s
deep understanding of religion as the “sigh of the oppressed”. If we
claim to be compassionate about people we better learn to love them for
what they are rather than what we expect them to be.

Gilad Aztmon is a writer and jazz musician living in London. His latest cd is In Loving Memory of America.

What can supporters in Europe do for Palestine before the European Parliamentary Elections


 
What can supporters in Europe do for Palestine before the European Parliamentary Elections
 
 
Dear Supporters and Organisation,

Attached is a copy of a Questionnaire and the fact sheet which will accompany it, which we are sending to all candidates in the forthcoming European Parliamentary Elections on Thursday 4th June.

As the EU has enormous power to pressurise Israel into obeying international law and humanitarian laws, it is important that we elect MEPs sympathetic to the rights of the Palestinians and willing to stand up to the Israel.

The EU exports over 200million Euros of arms to Israel and there exists an EU- Israel Association Agreement which gives Israel advantageous access to the EU market and funding. Consequently, the EU is Israel’s biggest importer of goods.

Article 2 of the Agreement states that these relations shall be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles which must guide internal and international policy.

However there is pressure from the Israeli lobby to exclude these human rights obligations in treaties with Israel and to upgrade Israel’s special relations with the EU.

We need to elect MEPs that call for the suspension of EU’s special relationship with the EU and an end to the arms trade with Israel whilst Israel is in breach of human rights.

Please inform your networks and supporters of this questionnaire and of the responses of the candidates which will be sent to you as soon as they analysed.

Peter Reilly
Chair
Liverpool Friends of Palestine

 
 
 
 

Fact Sheet Regarding the EU and Israel from the Peace Group

The EU is
Israel‘s biggest importer of goods, and its second biggest exporter. In 2006 the total traded between the EU and Israel amounted to 23.5 BILLION Euros.
The EU-Israel Association Agreement forms the legal basis for this relationship which gives
Israel
preferential trade terms with EU countries.
Article 2 of the Agreement states that these relations shall be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles which must guide internal and international policy.

The EU is therefore obligated under this Article to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement whilst Israel is in breach of human rights.

The Peace Cycle has travelled to the Occupied Palestinian Territories and witnessed first hand the many abuses of human rights by the Israeli Authorities, including:

·        Loss of freedom of movement of the Palestinian people by the placement of checkpoints and earth mounds at strategic locations within the Occupied Territories, making travel between villages and towns often impossible and inhibiting the movement of trade across the territories.

·        Israeli-only roads that prohibit use by Palestinian cars and passengers thereby making their journeys far longer than necessary, and often impossible.

·        Demolition of Palestinian houses by the Israeli authorities resulting in the heartbreaking loss of family homes and possessions, and destroying their sense of security and belonging.

·        Theft of Palestinian land in order to build the separation wall; a barrier deemed illegal by the International Court of Justice, and which has served to further limit freedom of movement and cause loss of trade, resulting in high unemployment and extreme poverty levels.

·        Refugee camps where families have been waiting for sixty years to return to their lost homes or to have compensation addressed.

·        The uprooting of millions of olive trees, a symbol of Palestinian life, to make way for continuous Israeli settlement building on stolen Palestinian lands, despite the settlements having been deemed illegal and even though cessation of this activity is clearly defined in the latest peace initiative at Annapolis.

·        Countless more acts of Israeli aggression towards the Palestinian people, which continue daily, and remain unchallenged on the pretext of security.

What the Peace Cycle has witnessed illustrates the abuses of human rights that at different times over many years have been judged to be illegal by international courts across the world.  Yet the EU does nothing visible to bring Israel to account.  Whilst this abuse goes on, the EU-Israel Association Agreement has allowed trade with Israel to flourish, with the addition of the EU-Israel Action Plan in 2005-2008 that has allowed for even closer partnerships to develop.

We call for an immediate suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and any further trade between Israel and EU Member States in protest against Israel‘s continued violation of human rights of the Palestinian people.

For Further information on the issues, please visit  www.liverpoolfriendsofpalestine.co.uk
 
 
The Questionnaire:
 
 
 
 
 
……………………………………………………..

The Future of Palestine


Future of Palestine

 

We,
the Palestinians, cannot accept any solution that does not address the
MAJOR issues in this lopsided “conflict,” those major issues are:

 

1)       We are equal in our humanity therefore should be treated equally

 

2)      We have been wronged; our rights, our land and our identity have been robbed from us and must be given back

 

3)      Jews
are neither an ethnic group nor a special people, they have no
privilege over us or any other human being, and hence, they cannot
claim ownership of
Palestine simply because of their Jewishness

 

How
could the world expect the Palestinians to recognise Israel’s right to
exist as a Jewish state, when in fact that is not only killing the
dream of every Palestinian refugee of returning home, but it also gives
a precedence to a unique situation.

 

It
exempts the Jewish people from being treated like the rest of humanity,
as based on their Jewishness alone, they demand special treatment,
preference, and exemptions from all the laws that bind the rest of
humanity:

 

They demand to take over someone else’s land for a claim that this right is given to them by God

 

They demand to have superiority over another group of people who don’t share their Jewishness

 

They
demand that the world should acknowledge their right to go back 3000
years in time based on a claim that some people who share their faith
in Judaism had lived in Palestine in antiquity, yet they are horrified
that we ask to go back to our homes from which we were driven out 40 or
60 years ago!

 

A cousin of mine, who is Palestinian of course but was working as a teacher in occupied/ stolen Palestine (the zionist entity that some call “israel”)

 

My
cousin was trying to be friendly to a Jewish teacher, so he said to
him: “you know, we are both cousins, we are all children of the same
grandfather, we must find a way of living together in peace”

 

The reply of his colleague was chilling

He
said: “yes indeed we are cousins, but you must remember that you are
the children of Hagar, the slave woman, and we are the children of
Sara, the free woman; therefore, you must realize that you the
Palestinians, will be forever our slaves”

 

This nauseating mentality IS the root of the problem in Palestine:

 

This supremacist attitude

This arrogance

This contempt of the other

This superiority complex

 

 

Firstly:
they justify their attack and occupation of the already inhabited land
of Palestine by a claim of a God-given right made exclusively to the
Jewish people

 

Secondly:
they see themselves superior with the false claims such as being God’s
chosen people or being light unto the nations or of making the desert
bloom

 

Thirdly: they want to preserve a Pure Jewish state at all costs; even if that means dismissing the rights of all others

 

Fourthly:
they, unlike any other nation, are getting away with every violation of
human rights imaginable without ever being held accountable for their
crimes

 

Are we ever going to see a change of attitude within this community?

 

It’s only through a real alteration of the Zionists’ mind-set that a solution could become possible

 

We, the Palestinians, we can compromise, we can negotiate, we can share, we can give much, but ONE thing, and ONE thing only, that we CANNOT negotiate, nor compromise, and that is our HUMANITY

 

We might be able to forgive the zionists, and move on

 

We might be able to share our land even with previous enemies

 

But what we will never be able to do is accept them as our superiors

 

Nor would we welcome them while they are still committing their crimes of murder, theft and oppression

 

Reconciliation is only possible with a revolutionary change of attitude within the Zionist community

 

And that’s is not up to us to do

 

The ball is in their court now, and has always been

 

It’s up to the Jewish people themselves who live in occupied Palestine to work on that change, if they want to spare themselves God’s justice

 

People
can take oppression for so long, but there comes a time when a
threshold is reached, then things could literally change overnight

 

Their might will not protect them then

 

What will, is what they’ve managed to preserve of their humanity

 

As for those who wonder about Hamas:

It would be helpful if you have a look at this scholarly article on Hamas by Khalid Amayreh

 

http://xpis.ps/Uploadarticles/89articles%20Hamas-Debates-the-Future-monograph.pdf

 

As
with regards to violence and attacks on civilians, Hamas is not proud
to kill any innocent person, it has continuously offered cease-fire and
a complete halt of attacks on civilians but that was ALWAYS rejected by
israel

 

Hamas offers to renew cease-fire with Israel

Friday, June 16, 2006

http://edition.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/meast/06/15/hamas.ceasefire/index.html

 

 

Israel rejects Gaza cease-fire offer

Sep 21, 2007

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1189411457380&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

 

 

Ehud Olmert rejects Hamas’ offer of cease-fire in Gaza Strip

23/12/2007

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/937196.html

 

Olmert rejects Hamas cease-fire offer

Tue., December 25, 2007

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/937511.html

 

 

ISRAEL REJECTS HAMAS CEASE-FIRE OFFER AS HUMANITARIAN CRISIS DEEPENS IN GAZA

April 25, 2008

http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/0425/p99s01-duts.html

 

 

Israel rejects Hamas cease-fire offer as humanitarian crisis deepens in Gaza

Fri Apr 25 08

http://news.yahoo.com/s/csm/20080425/wl_csm/odu0425

 

 

Coming to the point of israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state I would say:

 

To
start with; there is no country/ government/ system/ regime on earth
that demands the right to exist and makes that demand “holy” and
unquestionable

 

Yet again, israel,
with its self-proclaimed righteousness and with the virtue of its
special-ness, feels entitled to ask those whom she robbed them of their
homes, of their dignity, and of homeland to recognise her right to
steal and thrive at cost of their genocide and ethnic cleansing!

 

Israel feels no shame in demanding to be recognized as a racist entity (as a Jewish state)

 

Israel
feels no shame in demanding to exist at the expense of hundreds of
annihilated villages, hundreds of thousands of corpses, and millions of
homeless refugees

 

Israel feels no shame in demanding the right to build its nation on the destruction of another

 

Israel
feels no shame in expanding what she acquired by sheer brutality at the
cost of devastated landscapes and ruined ancient alleyways

 

Israel
feels no shame in demanding that the world should adore its glory at
the melody of weeping widows and howling of terrified little ones

 

Hamas and the Jewish state:

 

Our
problem – as Palestinians- is not with the Jewish people nor is it with
Judaism; our problem is with the injustice inflected upon us for almost
a century now.

 

For no crime (except being Palestinians) we were made to be the sacrificial lamb of Europe’s sins, we paid the price for Hitler’s crimes against the Jewish people.

 

Neither
Hamas nor any Palestinian would have any problem getting along with any
ethnic or religious group of people. As Muslims we’ve done that for
centuries. In fact the golden age for the Jewish people was when they
lived under Islamic rule and as they escaped the inquisitions of
Europe to find refuge and protection in Muslim lands.

 

But,
we have serious problems with ethnic cleansing, injustice, oppression,
racism, fascism, tyranny, and the claim of superiority of one nation
over another.

 

Unless these issues are justly addressed and resolved, our world would remain in turmoil.

 

Hamas
are constantly been asked to recognize “Israel’s right to exist as a
Jewish state”; but no one seemed bothered with the fact that “Israel”
never recognized “Palestine” or the Palestinians’ right to exist on
their own land. No one seems to be bothered with the fact that “
Israel” hasn’t and never had any defined borders that they want us to recognize.

 

But most importantly no one seemed to question the morality and ethical grounds on which “Israel” was founded.

 

Israel
not only has no right to exist as a Jewish state (for the apparent
racism that’s embedded in this definition) but also has no right to
exist as a state and a political system. Period.

 

Reasons:

 

 firstly:

 

The moral and ethical grounds upon which “Israel” was founded are extremely problematic: 

 

a) When the Zionists adopted Palestine as a home land for all the Jewish people they ignored the fact that Palestine had already its own native Palestinian inhabitants, with a very small Jewish minority of 2.5%.

 

b)
The early Jewish refugees did not come with a friendly attitude with
intentions to live in peace with the native Inhabitants of
Palestine, but rather with the mentality of colonising and ethnically cleansing of the natives.

 

 

c)
They did not come with olive branches in their hands; rather they came
with tanks and machine guns, they engaged in extensive terror attacks
on the native Palestinians, they were building their armed forces ever
since until it became the fourth most powerful state in the world today.

 

d) The natives were never asked and their opinions were dismissed by those powers who decided to give away Palestine -which the don’t own-

 

e) Israel’s recognition as a state (by the United Nations and the International community) was conditional to Israel abiding by UN resolutions <b>including the right of return</b> of Palestinians; which were never implemented by Israel.

 

 Secondly:

 

The
continuous existence of such a state (as defined by the hegemony of one
particular group “the Jewish” over the rest of its citizens) is
deplorable logically, legally, and morally:

 

a)  Logically unacceptable;

 as by definition “”Israel
is a Jewish state; in order to maintain its exclusive “Jewishness” it
denies millions of exiled Palestinians their basic human right; namely
the right of return to their homes and their families.

 

b)  Legally unacceptable;

for
the inability of this entity to comply by the conditions laid out by
the international community, and inability to abide by any UN
resolution.

 

c)  Morally unacceptable;

 for
the fact that since its inception over the past 60 years, this entity
managed to prove to the world time and again the decay of its moral
fibre; as it sank deeply in the abyss of wickedness and inhumanity.,
through displaying her acts of terror, cruelty, and ruthlessness with
no shame or remorse.

 

The
continuous existence of such a state is morally questionable; as by
definition “”Israel” is a Jewish state; in order to maintain its
exclusive “Jewishness” it denies millions of exiled Palestinians the
right of return to their homes and their families ignoring their basic
human rights.

 

When Hitler called for a purely Arian state the world got up in arms against such an exclusive racists regime.

 

How
can such a state demand the right be recognized and to be secured when
the very foundation on which it was established are immoral? How such a
state should continue to exist when by its very definition it is
insular, exclusive, aggressive and racist?

 

What
I as a Palestinians would like to see is an all inclusive state of
Palestine, on the whole land of historic Palestine, a state for all its
citizens, where all races, religions living side by side on equal
grounds.

 

A
state with no walls between its peoples; where no one is denied their
basic human rights for their religious or non-religious beliefs, no one
is denied justice for their race; no one is prevented from returning to
their homes on the basis of their ethnicity. If that should mean an end
to a racist exclusive Jewish state so be it.

(by the way the Jewish state is NOT the Jewish people)

 

And if I may speak as a mother, seeing my beloved Palestine divided is like seeing my baby chopped in half!

It
pains me enormously, I would rather accept to share my baby with an
impostor mother, who claims my baby as hers, rather than having him
sliced into two pieces

.

“Revoking Israel’s UN Membership.”


"Revoking Israel’s UN Membership."

http://windowintopalestine.blogspot.com/2008/12/revoking-israels-un-membership.html

Excellent article written by two Swedes calling for the revocation of
Israel’s UN Membership. Snorre Lindquist is a Swedish Architect of,
among other things, the House of Culture in front of the Nativity
Church in Bethlehem on the West Bank. — Lasse Wilhelmson is a
commentator on the situation in the Middle East, and is a member of a
local government in Sweden for 23 years, four of which in an executive
position. Lasse Wilhelmson is of Jewish origin and an internet friend.
The other writer’s origin in no known by me but that fact should be
irrelevant.

Ed CorriganStockholm — The
Gaza Strip is now the largest concentration camp in the world. The
situation grows steadily more insufferable for the 1.5 million
Palestinians who live there. Deliveries of food, medicine and fuel are
made difficult or stopped altogether. Child malnutrition is increasing.
Water supplies and drainage have ceased to function. Children die for
lack of healthcare. Tunnels to Egypt, dug by hand, are the only
breathing space. Journalists and diplomats are denied entry. Israel is
planning more military efforts. The Palestinians in Gaza are now to be
starved into surrender and become an Egyptian problem.

The UN
should use the word apartheid in connection with Israel and consider
sanctions with the former South Africa serving as a model. Miguel
dةscoto Brockman, president of the UN General Assembly, conveyed this
message at a meeting on November 24th 2008 with the UN General
Secretary Ban Ki-moon present.

The 1976 Nobel peace prize
laureate, Mairead McGuire from Ireland, recently suggested a popular
movement demanding that the UN revoke Israel’s membership. The
international community now needs to put tangible pressure on Israel in
order to stop its war crimes.

Not once, during the past 60
years, has Israel shown any intention of living up to the requirements
stipulated by the UN, in connection with the country’s membership in
1948, namely that the Palestinians who had been evicted from their
homes should be allowed to return at the earliest possible opportunity.
Moreover, Israel holds the hardly flattering world record of ignoring
UN resolutions.

It can be questioned from the aspect of human
rights legislation whether Israel is a legitimate state. Established
practice between states usually requires borders that are legally
maintained and a constitution, neither of which Israel has. These
requirements are also named in the UN resolution (181) Partition Plan
for Palestine, approved by the General Assembly in November 1947. The
plan was accepted by the Zionists Jews in Palestine but rejected for
excellent reasons as unjust by the Arab states. Only decisions made by
the UN Security Council are mandatory. Later on, Israel unilaterally
laid claim to a considerably larger portion of land than that suggested
by the UN.

The eviction of eighty per cent of the Palestinians
who lived west of the 1947 armistice line, and Israel’s refusal to
allow them to return is the human rights argument for expelling Israel
from the UN. Not only has Israel played the Partition Plan false but
has, by its actions, thwarted the grounds – fragile from the start –
for its UN membership.

Israel makes use of various strategies to
achieve its goals, the same goals as for over a hundred years ago: As
few and as well controlled and weakened Palestinians as possible in
areas as small as possible between the Mediterranean and the River
Jordan. And to try and get acceptance worldwide for the theft of land
that is vital to the “state” that calls itself “Jewish and democratic”.
This obviously bears no similarity to a peace process.

Why does
nobody ever comment on the fact that Israel’s prime minister never
misses an opportunity to harp on about how important it is that the
rest of the world and the Palestinians recognise Israel, not as a
democratic country for all its citizens, but as a “Jewish state”?

What
would we have said if South Africa’s Prime Minister, in a similar way,
had demanded recognition of South Africa as a “white and democratic
state”, thus de facto accepting the racist apartheid system that
allowed non-whites to be classified as lesser human beings?

In
the article The end of Zionism, published in the Guardian on September
the 15th 2003 the Jewish dissident and former speaker of Knesset,
Avraham Burg wrote:

“Diaspora Jews for whom Israel is a central
pillar of their identity must pay heed and speak out … We cannot keep a
Palestinian majority under an Israeli boot and at the same time think
ourselves the only democracy in the Middle East. There cannot be
democracy without equal rights for all who live here, Arab as well as
Jew … The prime minister should present the choices forthrightly:
Jewish racism or democracy.”

No support can be found in The UN
recommendation concerning a Jewish and a Palestinian state for unequal
rights for the citizens of each country. Neither is there any
indication as to how a “Jewish” state could become Jewish. There is
support, however, for the intention that demographic conditions should
be held intact at partition. Interpreting into the text an intention
concerning characteristics of a “Jewish state” tailored to the ideology
of Zionism is wholly in contradiction with the text of the resolution.

Even
the Balfour Declaration, which entirely lacks human rights status,
notes that the Jewish national home in Palestine should in no way
encroach upon the rights of the Palestinians. Neither did US President
Truman recognise Israel as a Jewish state. On the contrary, he ruled
out precisely that formulation before making his decision to recognise
Israel.

Thus, the legitimacy of a “Jewish state” so urgently
sought by Israel lacks support in international documents that concern
the building of the state. Israel’s government is, of course, fully
aware of this. Why else would it keep on searching for this recognition?

The
UN should now embark on a boycott of the apartheid state of Israel and,
with the threat of expulsion from the UN, demand that Israel allows the
evicted Palestinian refugees to return in accordance with the UN
resolutions 194 and 3236.

With this done, meaningful peace talks
can proceed and various solutions be reached for co-habitation with
equal rights for all people between the Mediterranean and the River
Jordan. No such solution can be compatible with the preservation of a
Jewish apartheid state.

– Snorre Lindquist is a Swedish
Architect of, among other things, the House of Culture in front of the
Nativity Church in Bethlehem on the West Bank. — Lasse Wilhelmson is a
commentator on the situation in the Middle East, and is a member of a
local government in Sweden for 23 years, four of which in an executive
position

UN’s "Security Council" won’t revoke "israel’s" UN membership

http://palestinian.ning.com/forum/topics/uns-security-council-wont

By Exilem

An article by Snorre Linquist and Lasse Wilhelmson calling for the
Revocation of “israel’s” membership in the UN, has been recently posted
here in PM, by Telma
.
http://palestinian.ning.com/forum/topics/revoking-israels-un-member…

Israel’s UN membership should have never happened in the first place,
given that they are in breach with every fundamental charter principles
of the organization. Today’s transnational web of corruption and
coercion does not exclude the UN, its members, and its core. This call
of revocation is therefor merely symbolic, but has the merit to raise
the question, and to arouse the dulled down mindless public opinion. It
is the right thing to do, but it simply "ain’t gonna happen".

a few excerpts of the UN CHARTER
(emphasis mine)

in Article 3, Chapter II, MEMBERSHIP:
" 1. Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving states
which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in
the judgment of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out
these obligations."

in Article 5:
"A Member of the United Nations against which preventive or enforcement action has been taken by the Security Council may
be suspended from the exercise of the rights and privileges of
membership by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the
Security Council
. The exercise of these rights and privileges may be restored by the Security Council."

in Article 6:
"A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the Principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. "

in UN SECURITY COUNCIL’s Membership page:
"The Security Council is composed of five permanent members
— China, France, Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States

and ten non-permament members…"
— Burkina Faso, Vietnam, Costa Rica, Lybian AJ, and Croatia. The 2
years term expires for Belgium, Indonesia, Italy, Panama and south
Africa, and will be replaced in January 2009 by Austria, Japan, Mexico
and Turkey

in RULES OF PROCEDURE:
"Each Council member has one vote. … Decisions on substantive matters require nine votes, including the concurring votes of all five permanent members. This is the rule of "great Power unanimity", often referred to as the "veto" power"

in Article 39, Chapter VII: Action with respect to
THREATS and BREACHES TO the PEACE, and ACTS of AGGRESSION
"The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations…"

The governments of USA, France and United Kingdom, that is 3 out of
the 5 permanent members of the "Security Council" (what a misnomer) are
literally political offsprings of the occupying, terrorizing,
war-mongering, aggressing entity called "israel"
, and will not
engage in "nine votes, including the concurring votes of all five
permanent members" to sanction their zionist owner, to the contrary,
they diligently vote to promote the zionist owner and given this
context, the following short Article 49 has chilling implications.

Article 49
"The Members of the United Nations shall join in affording mutual
assistance in carrying out the measures decided upon by the Security
Council"

The worm is in the can.

We must face the reality, such propositions and reflections about UN
membership of "israel" are necessary, but they do not have the
detonating energy to free us from the growing internment walls
gradually suffocating humanity. The Zionist entity has hijacked the
system and we have the choice: either we create a tangible movement
destined to tear apart every arcane of their biocidal and ubiquitous
power web and we re-install a civilized system, OR we just give up and
offer our unconditional submission to the World Zionist Order
Organization

For me, the latter is not an option.

Look at me


Look at me

I would love to write poetry about love,

Paint rainbows and butterflies,

Smell the scent of pink rose buds,

And dance;

Dance with the melody of jubilant bluebirds

I would love to close my eyes and see children smiling

No guns pointing at their heads

Tell them stories of lily-like fairies in far-away lands

Not of bullets shrieking…. of missiles exploding

But

How can I?

There is a dagger in my heart

I am hurting

Hurting

I bleed,

I cringe

I cry

HUMANITY,
WHERE ARE YOU?

I am being slaughtered

Under your watchful eyes

I am cold… cold…. cold

I cringe

I cry

Humanity,
where are you?

Why do you turn your face away?

Why do you keep looking the other way?

I am here

Languishing

In Gaza’s alleyways

 

Humanity, where are you?

Look at me

See me

I am here

Sighing

In Gaza’s alleyways

I cringe

I cry

Humanity,

Enough turning the other way !

Turning a deaf ear

Turning a blind eye

While I, and oh ! My poor children
Die

WHY??


WHY??

 


The New Ten Commandments:

1) Thou shall not criticize Israel

2) Thou shall revere the holocaust with all thy heart

3) Thou shall have no doubt in your heart of the number 6 million

4) Thou shall not compare the unique suffering of the Jews with any other

5) Thou shall honour Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state

6) Thou shall adore the “sinless” Israel, regardless of allegations of sins

7) Thou shall believe that Israel has the right to defend itself and protect
its security by all means (but not Muslims)

8 ) Thou shall not kill (except Muslims)

9) Thou shall not lie (except about Islam and Muslim’s WMD)

10) Thou shall obediently share your earning with Israel (through your tax
money)

And there is a bonus eleventh commandment:

11) Thou shall sacrifice as many humans as humanly possible (specially those
who dare to say NO) on the altar of greed and security of the Jewish state

* * *
NOW a question:

We protest and moan much about ethnic minorities when underrepresented in work places and government positions -and rightly so- as this is clearly a reflection of injustice.

But why do we keep utterly silent when a “certain” minority is HUGELY overrepresented in sensitive positions in many world governments??

WHY??

Where is the uproar??

Isn’t this also a blatant injustice against the majority of those countries?

PS

And please no one should come with the reiterated myth that they are more “clever” than the rest of us as a justification for this absurdity, because this fable is the MOST RACIST claim they have managed to indoctrinate the masses to accept

see how they spread myths and lies:
http://baconeatingatheistjew.blogspot.com/2006/03/arab-intelligence…

No Space to be Child- part two


 

Continue

 

Scholarships from the International Ford Foundation Programme are very few and I was fortunate, after a long and difficult selection period, to be one of the ten people offered a scholarship in 2004. This was to do another PhD, this time in clinical psychology, a qualification which was both rare and very much needed in Gaza. Of course, I now had a difficult decision to make. I would have to go abroad to study, leaving my wife and little daughter at home with my wife’s family. Also I knew this would be hard for my parents, particularly for my sick mother. I thought, however, that I should be able to go back regularly to see them and, that, when the time was right, and my wife had completed her degree, my family would be able to join me in England. But developments in Gaza were soon to make this hope seem an impossibility.

 

From the Nakbah in 1948 until now there have been only nine years in my country without war or conflict or uprising. In 2000, following the attack on the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque by the soldiers of the Occupation, a second Intifada spread through the Palestinian population and caused the Israeli soldiers to create even more obstacles and difficulties. So, although arrangements had been made for the three Ford Foundation students to leave Gaza through the America-Mideast Educational and Training Services (AMIDEAST), the Israelis refused to allow this. Because of the Intifada, the Gaza Strip was now under blockade. It was a shock for all three of us. The Rafah crossing was now the only route for the population of Gaza to the rest of the world. We no longer had an airport. The blockade stopped boats at sea. A wire fence, a high wall and watchtowers caged us in from Israel.  At Rafa in 2004 we were kept stranded for three weeks, sleeping on the floor of a deserted, half-built house. It had no roof or doors or windows. To go back to Gaza City meant that we might miss the chance opening of the border crossing, so we slept in this place for 21 days waiting for the moment when, on the whim of a young Israeli soldier, we might be let through. The indignity of that waiting made many of us angry. We were being treated worse than animals. Where was respect or decency? No wonder so many of us became violent in the face of such humiliation.

 Due to these delays, we almost lost our chance of a scholarship: we were supposed to have arrived in London in September 2004, but were actually delayed until November.

 

At last, we were able to travel from Cairo Airport to London. Very little post had been getting through to Gaza and Internet access was limited, so I had little information about the university I was to join. I managed to make my way there, however, and, as soon as I arrived at the University of Hertfordshire, I changed my research topic from the general subject of depression to one which would specifically study the effects of trauma on Palestinian children. This was so that I could go on to design and develop programmes which could be set up immediately to help the children of Gaza.

 

A shock awaited me when I went to the registration centre at the university: I found that they had registered me as an Israeli citizen with my homeland as Israel. I objected to this and showed them my passport which clearly identified me as Palestinian. They apologized, but all they could do was to replace ‘Israeli’ with ‘Unknown Nationality or Nation’. And so it remains to this day. The reason for this is that the computer system does not include Palestine. I had the same problem when I opened a bank account and found, once again, that there seems to be no such country as Palestine. I told a friend at the university about how painful this was and he gave me a map of the world in the form of a globe with the word Palestine clearly written on it. For a short time, I was happy about this, but then he told me, “This is an old map and that is the reason why the name of Palestine is there.”

 

In order to come to England to study I had left my wife and little one-year-old daughter. For a short time I was able to go back and see them in the holidays. But in June 2006 the Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, was captured by Palestinian militants and the blockade was intensified   I could not get to see them at all. My little son was born in January 2007  but I was unable to see him. On top of this, my wife was in need of urgent eye surgery at a specialist hospital. I had hoped to bring her to Moorfields Eye Hospital in London but this now seemed quite impossible.

 

Meanwhile, my family was telling me that life in Gaza had become more difficult than it had ever been before and there seemed to be no way of escape: if you went to a pharmacy, you found no medicine even if you could afford to pay for it. You could not find fruit or milk for your children. There were continuous power shortages, often only four hours of electricity a day, sometimes none. Sick people were dying every day while they were waiting for permission to pass the Israeli checkpoints and, when someone died, it was often impossible to find a coffin or cement to construct a grave. Medical services were starved of equipment. Children played on the dangerous rubble of bulldozed houses. They swam in the polluted water near beaches where untreated sewage flowed into the sea. They mimicked the conflict with real homemade weapons, often injuring each other in these games. The life in Gaza was becoming a slow death.

 

My wife needed urgent treatment. I submitted a request to the Palestinian Authority to get her out of Gaza for humanitarian reasons. Neither the Palestinian Authority, nor the Red Cross could persuade the Israelis to grant permission. I then asked UNRWA to help, and they said that I needed to get approval to pass through Jordan. After a two month wait we received Jordanian approval, but once again the Israeli side refused the request. As a last resort we contacted the Israeli Embassy in London explaining my wife’s critical condition but once again help was refused. The situation seemed hopeless.

 

Then an event occurred which was to change everything. I heard on the news that the anger of the people of Gaza had finally exploded. They could no longer bear the hunger and the deprivation. Nobody was offering any help – not even the neighbouring Arab countries, which were just standing by while people were dying. So in desperation the people made holes in the border wall between Gaza and Egypt. First they exploded several bombs to make small holes; then bulldozers moved in to enlarge the holes so that people could get through. They made several holes along a twelve kilometre stretch of wall to make it difficult for the Egyptians to re-seal the border. Then it was as if a damn had burst. An unstoppable force of tens of thousands of Palestinian people flowed to the Egyptian border cities of Rafah and Al-Arish in order to buy essential goods and medicines.

 

This happened on the 23rd of January 2008. I was in my office at the University of Hertfordshire working through the night at my computer when the news broke. And suddenly here was my opportunity – I should leave at once and, if all went well, I would see my wife and little daughter for the first time in eighteen months and would have my very first look at my one year old baby son. I listened to the news on Aljazeera throughout the night and, in the morning, I contacted my wife and asked her to move quickly and leave Gaza for Egypt, like all the other people. This was important because America and Israel were insisting that the borders should be closed again.

 

I was lucky that I had a valid visa and that I quickly found a seat on a flight to Egypt. I contacted my family, who had clambered their way with great difficulty through the rubble of the border and were now starting to walk along with thousands of other people to where they could get a car to take them to Al-Arish.

I arrived at Cairo airport that same evening. I dared not risk telling the authorities the real reason for my journey. I said that I was travelling as a student, but even so they delayed my onward journey for more than two hours. Eventually I was able to get to a hotel in Cairo and contact my family who were now safely in the very crowded house of a relative in Al-Arish. In three hours driving, I could be with them. But it was not going to be that easy.

 

As soon as the border was breached, more than fifteen checkpoints manned by Egyptian security forces were set up on the road from Cairo to Al-Arish to make sure that the refugees from Gaza could not travel to Cairo. Anyone caught doing this would be imprisoned. And it was equally difficult to travel in the direction I wanted to go. So how would I reach my family? The Palestinian authorities in Cairo told me that there would be no way for me to get through, but I was not going to turn back now.

 

I thought about various different ways of getting through the checkpoints. I considered using my wife’s illness to get an ambulance to go to her, but this proved impossible – no Palestinian was allowed to travel to meet refugee relatives in any circumstances. Three days passed and I was becoming angry and depressed especially when I heard from my wife that conditions were very bad in Al-Arish. There was such serious overcrowding that people were sleeping in the streets even though it was cold winter. Also my baby son was sick and my wife’s condition was worsening. She was so unhappy about all this that she wanted to go back to Gaza. I was running out of ideas, but I managed to convince her that she should stay put for one more night – if I hadn’t thought of a solution by the following afternoon, she could give up and go back.

 

Until this point I had been honest and declared my Palestinian nationality. Now I realised I had to try another way: I took the underground to get to a minibus station outside Cairo, calculating that, for my plan to work, I needed to travel on a crowded bus, and at night. I was going to pretend to be Egyptian so I needed to talk as little as possible so that my accent would not give me away, and I needed to sit in the middle of many people so that the false ID I was hoping to use (which was actually my University of Hertfordshire staff card!) could only be glanced at.

 

 

We were stopped at seven of the checkpoints and, miraculously, my plan seemed to be working. The other Palestinian people were identified and taken off the bus, but somehow I got through. Then we reached the last and strictest of the checkpoints and, to my horror, we were asked to get out of the bus so that we could be checked individually. My fake ‘Egyptian’ ID could not possibly survive a close scrutiny, so I had to change my tactics. Now I would find out if my faithful university card would support my new claim to be a British citizen. The officials seemed reasonably satisfied with this ID, but said that they needed a passport. So I gave them a quick look at my British visa and they accepted it. I was through! Of the original eleven people on the bus, only seven remained, six of whom were genuinely Egyptian.

 

Arriving in Al-Arish, I could see what had been making my wife so unhappy. The overcrowding was worse than any I had ever seen, even in the refugee camps. So I decided to try to rent a hotel room or a flat before I even tried to contact my family. No-one would rent any rooms to a Palestinian at that time, so I continued to pretend to be British and eventually found somewhere I could bring my family to hide and have a few days of peace while we sorted out all the papers that would be necessary for them to travel. Prices had gone mad since the border was breached. It now cost me as much to rent a flat for one day as it would have done previously to rent it for three whole months.

 

At last I was ready to contact my family. I asked them to walk to the town square and went to meet them there. Like everywhere else, the square was very crowded and I could not see them. I waited. After all the obstacles, I was going to see them at last. How would they look now? How would they greet me? My little daughter  had refused to speak to me on the phone all the time I had been away – she couldn’t understand why her Daddy had left her for so long. And the son I had never seen – my mind was busy imagining, as in a dream, how it would feel for me to hold him. But for him it would be as if he was being held by a stranger.

 

Through the crowds, I thought I saw them walking towards me. Then I was sure it was them. I ran to them, full of happiness to see them again. I took my little son from my wife’s arms and hugged him as I had wanted to do for so long. This was a moment of great happiness but also of sadness and burning anger. I had been unable to travel to see them for eighteen months and now my son did not know me and did not want me to hold him; my little daughter was very shy of being near me and my wife looked tired and ill. I was shocked to see the condition of her eye which was worse than I had imagined.

 

Tradition demanded that we should go back and spend a night in the crowded house of my relatives before going on to our flat. The best thing about that day was that, later on, I was able to go on a little walk with just my children who were beginning to accept me. I talked to them and bought them presents and gradually I could feel them coming back to me. But this reminded me of one more important journey I must make – I had not seen my parents for eighteen months; they were both too frail to travel and this might be my last chance to see them.

 

My wife and all the relatives were very much against my going into Gaza – getting in would be fairly easy but there were many Egyptian soldiers now massing on the border to prevent any more Palestinians getting out of Gaza. Stories were coming from the border of violence and killing. The situation was very risky but I had to balance the risks. It would be dreadful if my wife and family had escaped from Gaza and I then became a prisoner there, but equally it would be dreadful if I came so near to Gaza without seeing my mother and father.

 

I had to walk the last two kilometres to the border through the dust and the rubble and amongst crowds of people returning with sheep and food and petrol cans and medicines. At the border, I saw something I had never seen in my whole life: the hole in the wall had been made large enough for cars to pass through in both directions. For the first time since 1967, and for only two days, cars were able to cross the border. I walked through the hole in the wall and put my feet on the land of my home country again. I would have liked to kiss the soil, but there was no time and no space to do this amidst the crowds.

 

As I travelled on and reached my parents’ camp, there were fewer and fewer people – the place was almost deserted – everyone who was young and fit seemed to have gone to Egypt – only the old people were left. The meeting with my parents was very happy and very sad. We had so much to say and such a short time to say it in. Nobody knew how long the border would remain open and every hour I stayed increased the risk that I would not get back to my family. So, after two hours, and with tears in his eyes, my father told me that it was time for me to go. On the way back, I was lucky: the border was still open and cars were still passing through, so to the great relief of my wife, I was able to get a car and arrive back safely in Al-Arish.

 

I now went with my wife and children to live in the flat I had rented while I sorted out a way to get them out of Egypt. The border with Gaza, having been open for one week was now closed again, and the security forces were arresting any Palestinian found in the border cities, regardless of circumstances. The crowds in Al-Arish melted away. We were only able to stay in the flat for a day or two because the landlady became suspicious of us and she feared the police. So she asked us to leave. We moved to another place , but, on the first night there, the security forces banged on the door in the middle of the night. This was very frightening for my wife and children and, if they had been discovered, they would have been sent back to Gaza. I quietly prepared to hide them, but as we waited in the dark we heard the police go away having assumed the place was empty. So now we had no choice. We had to move back to hide in the house of my relatives, which was less crowded now as most Palestinians had been forced back to Gaza.

 

I had registered the names of my wife and my children in the Security Directorate so that their passports could be stamped and they could leave Egypt for Britain. But after three weeks no progress had been made, so I decided that we had no choice but to again use my University ID, my UK and Egyptian visas. I adapted my methods depending on who was manning the checkpoints and whether they were likely to understand the English writing on some of the documents. It was another big adventure – sometimes I pretended to be an Egyptian local and at other times I would be a British citizen working in England. Praise be to God, we succeeded in reaching Cairo eventually and spent two more weeks there getting approval to travel out of Egypt.

 

The journey had lasted five weeks from the time I arrived in Egypt to the time the four of us left. We finally left Cairo and journeyed to London at the end of February. We had difficulty getting my little daughter onto the plane. All she knew about aeroplanes was that they dropped bombs and killed people. It was very hard to convince her that this plane carried no bombs. Since she has arrived in England she has often been frightened by things like fireworks and flashing lights on cars and even by the post coming through our letterbox. She is just one of the traumatised children who are the subject of my PhD.

 

As soon as possible after we arrived, we went to Moorfields Eye Hospital where my wife had tests and x-rays. Sadly we were told that the condition had been allowed to develop for too long – the sight of that eye could now probably not be saved.  However, I still feel that my family and I are among the lucky ones. Hundreds of people are dying in Gaza because they cannot get the right treatment. I feel deeply sad for the thousands of sick people who are not able to get medical help and the many students who are not allowed to travel to study. Thousands of people crossed the border from Gaza in January of this year. It was a moment of freedom, but most were forced to return and now continue to suffer the ravages of war, blockade and the crimes perpetrated by the Occupation.

 

 

When I left Gaza to come to England to study, I left everything behind me, but the people all remain etched in my heart and my memory. However long I have been away from home, I have never forgotten the flag of my country and the grief of its children, particularly when I see the green spaces and playgrounds in this country where children play without fear of sniper fire or the roar of tanks or road blocks or starvation due to the blockade. I do not begrudge the children here the joys they have. I simply wish that the children in my country had something similar to this, or at least half, or anything of it. I am one of Palestine’s children, and none of us has had a childhood. We were all born as adults and our childhood has been stolen from us in front of the eyes of the free world. So for how long will this suffering and tragedy continue? Where are the people of conscience? Where is the free world? Where are justice and freedom?

 

Mohamed Altawil, 1st July 2008, Hatfield, UK

 

No Space to be Child-part one


 

 

No Space to be Child

 

A Palestinian’s story of his escape from Gaza and his work for the children in that area.

 

 http://palestinian.ning.com/forum/topics/no-space-to-be-child

 

I am a Palestinian whose family had lived for generations in the village of Al-Maghar. Sixty years ago, during the Nakbah (Catastrophe),  my grandparents and their whole family were expelled from Al-Maghar, uprooted and sent to the huts and narrow streets of a refugee camp 100 kms. away. After sixty years, still they taste the bitterness of that loss and watch as the flames of that tragedy continue to burn. As a child I was used to living in one of the huts of the refugee camp, but as I got older and became aware of the discontent inside the family, I would pester my father with questions:

Why do we not have a garden?

Why do all ten of us sleep in one room?

Why does the roof  always leak in winter?

Why do we go to school without having a breakfast or pocket money?

Why do we have no heating in our house or school?

Why is our classroom crowded  with 50 students in one small space?

Why do we  not have a playground?

Where can I get clean water?

Why do we not travel anywhere?

Why do we hear booming throughout the night?

Will the roar of the bulldozer come towards us today?

Who has been killed today?

Why do you let the soldiers humiliate you at the checkpoints?

Do all human beings live like us?

Why has our country been wiped off the map in the library?’

 

Often he would answer me with tears in his eyes. "We are the victims of a violent occupation. Like a cancer, it spreads over all aspects of our lives. Oh, my son, be careful! Do not provoke the violence to fall upon you."

 

I was born in 1973 and gradually became aware of all this suffering in the narrow alleys of the camp. By the time I was fourteen years old, I could not bear the fact that the occupying soldiers were wreaking havoc in my homeland. I would ignore my father’s warnings and seek revenge for our humiliation.

 

So I used to throw stones at the bulldozers and armoured cars as they rumbled through the streets. With my brothers and my friends we would chase after the armoured cars from one place to another, believing we were expelling them all from our land. As soon as we heard the rumble of their engines, we would gather pieces of rubble and pile them in various parts of the camp. Then we hid ourselves and as soon as we saw the soldiers coming we rushed out and pelted them with stones.

 

This was our favourite game. We had nowhere to play organised games, and football in the street was too dangerous. The older members of our family and the  neighbours continually warned us that they were unable to protect us from the dangers of the occupation. "We do not have a police or a national army," they said. So in our minds, we became the national army; we were The Children of Stones protecting our camp and  resisting the soldiers of occupation. We were Robin Hood fighting for justice, or the American Indians defending the frontier from the white invaders. It was not just a game; it was actually a Death Game – a game which released our anger and gave us the thrill and pride of feeling we were protecting our communities when the older generation could not. I was too young to understand its consequences even though some friends of mine were killed or injured or became disabled for life.

 

It so happened that during one of these daily activities of throwing stones the soldiers started to chase me. I had been hurling stones at them and my aim was good through practice. Now I turned and ran, dodging to avoid bullets and evade capture. Suddenly my shoulder and back were struck in several places at once. They had fired a plastic bullet. It had broken into several pieces to injure me, make me collapse, but not to kill me. I staggered and fell, but immediately got up. I carried on running although I felt my shirt sticking to blood that poured from my back and head. I felt no pain as excitement, fear and pride forced me on and I raced towards the fence of a farm which was located at the edge of our camp. I leapt and climbed, but my leg became stuck in the rough structure of wood and thorns and metal. A hand gripped my shirt and I was pulled out of the fence and thrown to the ground. I yelled and kicked and the soldiers punched me hard. By now my bleeding was serious, but still they punched. I became weaker and my angry protests turned to sobs. I was beginning to lose consciousness, but then my arms were yanked upwards and a soldier pulled me by my hands and dragged me to where the officer in charge was waiting. During all this the people in my camp watched helplessly. Many shouted in outrage over what was happening and this anger helped me stop crying out in pain as my ankles were scratched and battered along the road. Suddenly, men, women, and children started to throw stones in an attempt to get the soldiers to release me. Women from my family and then neighbours rushed forward and attacked the soldiers with their bare hands.  Some of these women reached the officer and yelled at him: " Release the boy! Release him! If you don’t, he will die and it will be your fault." This must have had some effect because the hitting stopped soon after I found myself admitted to hospital.

It was some weeks before I recovered  and when I returned to the camp  my friends treated me like a hero. My father, however,was not pleased. I had ignored his warnings and disobeyed him. When, later, my older brothers went out to throw stones at the soldiers, my father locked me in a room upstairs. I knew he did this out of love and a real fear for my safety, but even so I climbed out of the window, slithered down the drainpipe and ran to join my brothers in the street. That night, forty people were injured and during the curfew I crept though the darkness from street to street to avoid the soldiers who would arrest me. Since I was under-age, my father would be fined if I was caught. When I reached home, I climbed to the space above our door and dropped quietly inside, hoping everyone was asleep. My father and mother, however, were up waiting for me. They had not been to bed. It was a full time job for them, protecting me and my eight brothers. I had ignored their warnings even during the curfew hours. That night, I got a severe final warning. The next time I tried to go out to join in the stone-throwing, my father held onto me and then, for the first and only time in his life, he beat me.  So, from that day on, if I threw stones, it would be far from my house.

 

As I grew older, I began to get tired of our games. The stones looked pathetic against the armoured cars. Also, I found that I was doing well at school and as I learnt more I realised that knowledge was another kind of weapon. It made me feel strong. It reinforced my identity. The growth of understanding made me see the possibility of helping our people and resisting occupation in more subtle ways than throwing stones. However, I cannot blame those children who still throw stones. Their anger and their actions constitute some form of therapy and they have become a symbol around the world for innocent revolt against injustice. The root of problem is not the children throwing stones but the occupation that has stolen their childhood.

 

 I began to study hard and found a path which would lead to my active role in helping the Palestinians remain steadfast – "sumud" –  in the face of humiliation and oppression. An understanding of History and the pursuit of knowledge in the psychological sciences have aleady produced results on the ground in Gaza. This work is set to continue for many years to come.

 

Since I achieved excellent results in high school and, because my family had little money, I was given a grant by UNRWA to study to become a teacher. My hope was that I would then have enough money to support my parents. I needed to go to Ramallah, on the West Bank, to complete my studies but, due to the Occupation, I faced obstacles wherever I decided to go. Travelling between Gaza and the West Bank was always difficult and, during the first Intifada (the uprising between 1987 and 1993) I was prevented for a while from leaving Gaza.

 

Travelling  has been one of the main restrictions we face in Palestine. Because of the wall, the fences, the checkpoints and the endless paperwork involved to get a pass, there is a barrier between Gaza and our relatives or friends in the West Bank. We can wait for one hour or one day or one week or one month or one year to get permission to travel to another region in our country. One soldier can stop many thousands of people crossing a checkpoint. One soldier is given control over the daily lives of a whole population who need to get to work or reach a hospital or go to school. One soldier can decide between live and death for innocent civilians. I once saw an old man dying at a check point as he waited in the heat to cross through to go back to his family. Another time, I saw a pregnant woman give birth beside the road at a check point after a soldier refused to let anybody pass between the north and middle zones of the Gaza Strip. 

 

I was not surprised, therefore, to find that my studies were held back by the occupation. Later, when I finished my final exams in Ramallah in 1993, I could not get permission to return home. So I tried travelling through the checkpoint on a friend’s ID and was arrested. When I was taken into custody, they tried to get me to sign something that was written in Hebrew. I told them I could not read Hebrew. They said, ‘Sign it anyway’. I said, ‘No!’ because I thought it was probably a confession statement. Then one of them hit me across the head and told me to sign. I refused and he punched me again and again. Even today, I still have problems in my left ear from this beating. After one month in prison, they said I would be released on payment of $500. I knew my family would have to sell many possessions to raise this sum. So, I refused to let this happen and stayed another two months in jail.

 

The period that followed was very hard. I was working as a teacher in UNRWA’s schools to earn money for myself and my parents while, at the same time, I was doing my postgraduate studies in mental health at an Egyptian university. I had decided that I must learn more about psychology because the children I was teaching in Gaza were suffering badly from the Occupation and I wanted to be able to help them. During my work as a school counsellor in the Gaza Strip, I saw a lot of the Palestinian children who have been exposed on a daily basis to traumatic experiences since the beginning of the second intifada which began on 28th October 2000. They clearly suffered from psychological, social and educational disturbances such as: insomnia, fear of the dark, phobias, depression, bedwetting, social withdrawal, negative social-interaction, aggressive behaviour, forgetfulness and truancy from school. These were alarming indicators that having a normal childhood in Palestine was unlikely in the current circumstances and that the future psychological well-being of Palestinian children is being compromised by on-going traumatic experiences.

 

I began to study for long hours after school and travelled to Egypt to see my supervisor during the summer holidays. Once I had received my Master’s degree, I began also to work as a part time lecturer at a university in Gaza. Life was so busy that I had no time to see my friends and they saw so little of me that they thought I had gone away.

 

In 2001, I started studying for a PhD. But my family was worried. I was nearly 28 and they thought it was time for me to marry. I tried to tell them that I didn’t have time for this. I was still pursuing my long held dream to learn as much as I could so that I could help to heal the wounds caused by the Occupation. It was as if the anger that had made me throw stones had been converted into the need to study. I didn’t have time to run a car, let alone get married – it would be too unfair on my wife. Gradually, however, I realised that my life should not be all work and, having found the right person with the help of my family, I got married in August 2002. In September 2003, I walked at midnight – the last two kilometres through gunfire – to the hospital where my daughter was born. 

 

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